[SDCPJ] Blackwater changes name again

Ha! John Ashcroft as the company's "ethics" adviser--give me a break! And what an insult to Plato to invoke his values in their choice of new name!

To: vvawnet@vvaw.org
Sent: 12/12/2011 9:19:31 A.M. Pacific Standard Time
Subj: [vvawnet] Blackwater, once Xe, now changes its name again-invokes Plato

[Washington Post]
9:26 AM ET, 12/12/2011
Ex-Blackwater firm gets a name change, again
By _Jason Ukman_
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/jason-ukman/2011/03/02/ABr5GIQ_page.html)
The private security contractor known as Blackwater renamed itself Xe
Services nearly three years ago. Now, the firm is rebranding itself again.
On Monday, Xe announced that it was _changing its name to Academi_
(http://academi.com/pages/news-room/press-releases/2011-12-12) , part of a
years-long effort by the company to shed a troubled legacy that
critics said made the firm a symbol for mercenaries and impunity in Iraq and elsewhere.
In an interview, the company's president and chief executive, Ted Wright,
said the announcement was about more than a simple name change.
"We want to reflect the changes we made in the company," he said, noting
that the firm has new ownership, new leadership and a "refocused strategy on
training and security services."
The company also has unveiled a _new Web site_ (http://academi.com/) and
logo. The tag on the Web site reads: "Elite Training. Trusted Protection."
Xe was acquired by _USTC Holdings_
(http://www.ustraining.com/new/index.asp) , an investor consortium,
in December 2010, and since then has tried to undergo a corporate
makeover. Erik Prince, the former Navy SEAL who built the company, no
longer has ties to the business. The firm formed a new board
of directors to manage the company and picked up big Washington names in
the process.
Former Attorney General _John Ashcroft_
(http://www.upi.com/Business_News/2011/05/04/Ashcroft-named-to-Xe-Services-chairmanship/UPI-31271304535702/) now serves as ethics adviser, and _Jack Quinn_
(http://www.ustraining.com/new/JackQuinn.asp) , a top lobbyist and
former counsel to President Bill Clinton, is an independent director.
The company also has a new corporate headquarters, in Arlington, Va. Its
main training facility is still in Moyock, N.C.
When Blackwater began calling itself Xe in 2009, a spokesman for the firm
said the name had no particular significance. On Monday, Wright said the
name change this time had a more deliberate meaning.
Academi, pronounced "academy," was chosen, he said, in part to evoke the
ideas of a Platonic academy, where the ethos is of excellence, honor and
discipline.
"That's what we want our ethos to be in the future — trained thinkers and
warriors," he said.
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[Blackwater] Mon. 5/17: Jeremy Scahill at Caltech in Pasadena at 7:30PM

The Caltech Y Social Activism Speaker Series presents JEREMY SCAHILL Independent Journalist & Author of the International Best-Seller: "Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army" 7:30 PM, Monday, May 17, 2010 Ramo Auditorium, (Bldg 77), Caltech 1200 East California Boulevard Pasadena, CA 91125-0001 Free, no tickets required. ** Reception after the event with the speaker ** On September 16, 2007, machine gun fire erupted in Baghdad's Nisour Square leaving seventeen Iraqi civilians dead, among them women and children. The shooting spree, labeled "Baghdad's Bloody Sunday," was neither the work of Iraqi insurgents nor U.S. soldiers. The shooters were private forces working for the secretive mercenary company, Blackwater Worldwide. This is the explosive story of a company that rose a decade ago from Moyock, North Carolina, to become one of the most powerful players in the "War on Terror." In his gripping bestseller, award winning journalist Jeremy Scahill takes us from the bloodied streets of Iraq to hurricane-ravaged New Orleans to the chambers of power in Washington, to expose Blackwater as the frightening new face of the U.S. war machine.   BIO: Jeremy Scahill is the author of "Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army," named by AlterNet as the best progressive book of the year. He is a frequent contributor to The Nation magazine, where he reports on Iraq war contractors, and a correspondent for the national radio and TV program Democracy Now! He is currently a Puffin Foundation Writing Fellow at The Nation Institute. Scahill has won numerous awards for his reporting, including the prestigious George Polk Award, which he won twice. While a correspondent for Democracy Now!, Scahill reported extensively from Iraq through both the Clinton and Bush administrations. Traveling around the hurricane zone in the wake of Katrina, Jeremy Scahill exposed the presence of Blackwater forces in New Orleans and his reporting sparked a Congressional inquiry and an internal Department of Homeland Security investigation. He has appeared on ABC World News, CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News, CNN, MSNBC, PBS's The NewsHour, Bill Moyers Journal and is a frequent guest on other radio and TV programs nationwide. Scahill also served as an election correspondent for HBO's Real Time with Bill Maher.   This event is made possible by the generous support from the Moore Hufstedler Fund, Student Affairs, the Graduate Student Council, the Alumni Association, and the Caltech Y. For more information about this event or the SASS series, please contact the Caltech Y at 626.395.6163 or email caltechy@caltech.edu. _______________________________________________ Blackwater mailing list Blackwater@citizensoversight.org To subscribe/unsubscribe/manage settings: http://lists.citizensoversight.org/mailman/listinfo/blackwater -----Inline Attachment Follows----- _______________________________________________ Blackwater mailing list Blackwater@citizensoversight.org To subscribe/unsubscribe/manage settings: http://lists.citizensoversight.org/mailman/listinfo/blackwater

[SDCPJ] Blackwater's Secret War in Pakistan

Blackwater's Secret War in Pakistan

By Jeremy Scahill

November 23, 2009

At a covert forward operating base run by the US Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) in the Pakistani port city of Karachi, members of an elite division of Blackwater are at the center of a secret program in which they plan targeted assassinations of suspected Taliban and Al Qaeda operatives, "snatch and grabs" of high-value targets and other sensitive action inside and outside Pakistan, an investigation by The Nation has found. The Blackwater operatives also assist in gathering intelligence and help run a secret US military drone bombing campaign that runs parallel to the well-documented CIA predator strikes, according to a well-placed source within the US military intelligence apparatus.

Read full article here http://www.thenation.com/doc/20091207/scahill

[Blackwater] Blackwater Said to Pursue Bribes to Iraq After 17 Died

You know you're in serious trouble when the likes of (CIA) Cofer Black is jumping ship.  The spectacle of this many top echelon Blackwater agents willing to reveal the underbelly of this disreputable company signals the demise  of this group of overzealous wackos .  Let's hope!  Tom C.   On Nov 10, 2009, at 11:08 PM, Karen Pomer wrote: Middle East Blackwater Said to Pursue Bribes to Iraq After 17 Died From left, Gerry Broome/AP; Mark Wilson/Getty; Brendan Smialowski for NYT Gary Jackson, left, then the company president, approved bribes for Iraqi officials, former executives say. When Cofer Black, then the vice chairman, center, learned of the scheme, he reportedly confronted the chairman, Erik Prince, right. By MARK MAZZETTI and JAMES RISEN Published: November 10, 2009 WASHINGTON — Top executives at Blackwater Worldwide authorized secret payments of about $1 million to Iraqi officials that were intended to silence their criticism and buy their support after a September 2007 episode in which Blackwater security guards fatally shot 17 Iraqi civilians in Baghdad, according to former company officials. Times Topics: Blackwater Worldwide | Iraq Enlarge This Image Khalid Mohammed/Associated Press An Iraqi police officer inspected a car destroyed in Baghdad's Nisour Square in 2007 in a shooting involving Blackwater security guards. Blackwater approved the cash payments in December 2007, the officials said, as protests over the deadly shootings in Nisour Square stoked long-simmering anger inside Iraq about reckless practices by the security company's employees. American and Iraqi investigators had already concluded that the shootings were unjustified, top Iraqi officials were calling for Blackwater's ouster from the country, and company officials feared that Blackwater might be refused an operating license it would need to retain its contracts with the State Department and private clients, worth hundreds of millions of dollars annually. Four former executives said in interviews that Gary Jackson, who was then Blackwater's president, had approved the bribes and that the money was sent from Amman, Jordan, where the company maintains an operations hub, to a top manager in Iraq. The executives, though, said they did not know whether the cash was delivered to Iraqi officials or the identities of the potential recipients. Blackwater's strategy of buying off the government officials, which would have been illegal under American law, created a deep rift inside the company, according to the former executives. They said that Cofer Black, who was then the company's vice chairman and a former top C.I.A. and State Department official, learned of the plan from another Blackwater manager while he was in Baghdad discussing compensation for families of the shooting victims with United States Embassy officials. Alarmed about the secret payments, Mr. Black cut short his talks and left Iraq. Soon after returning to the United States, he confronted Erik Prince, the company's chairman and founder, who did not dispute that there was a bribery plan, according to a former Blackwater executive familiar with the meeting. Mr. Black resigned the following year. Stacy DeLuke, a spokeswoman for the company, now called Xe Services, dismissed the allegations as "baseless" and said the company would not comment about former employees. Mr. Black did not respond to telephone calls and e-mail messages seeking comment. Reached by phone, Mr. Jackson, who resigned as president early this year, criticized The New York Times and said, "I don't care what you write." The four former Blackwater executives, who had held high-ranking posts at the company, would speak only on condition of anonymity. Two of them said they took part in talks about the payments; the two others said they had been told by several Blackwater officials about the discussions. In agreeing to describe those conversations, the four officials said that they were troubled by a pattern of questionable conduct by Blackwater, which had led them to leave the company. A senior State Department official said that American diplomats were not aware of any payoffs to Iraqi officials. Blackwater continued operating as the prime contractor providing security for the United States Embassy in Baghdad until spring, when the Iraqi government said it would deny the company an operating license. The State Department replaced Blackwater with a rival in May, but the company still does some work for the department in Iraq on a temporary basis. Five Blackwater guards involved in the shooting are facing federal manslaughter charges, and their trial is scheduled to start in February in Washington. A sixth guard pleaded guilty in December. The company has never faced criminal charges in the case, although the Iraqi victims brought a civil lawsuit in federal court against Blackwater and Mr. Prince. Separately, a federal grand jury in North Carolina, where the company has its headquarters, has been conducting a lengthy investigation into it. One of the former executives said that he had told federal prosecutors there about the plan to pay Iraqi officials to drop their inquiries into the Nisour Square case. If Blackwater followed through, the company or its officials could face charges of obstruction of justice and violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, which bans bribes to foreign officials. Officials at the United States Attorney's Office in Raleigh declined to comment on their investigation, and it is not clear whether the payment scheme is a focus of the grand jury. Federal prosecutors in North Carolina have interviewed a number of former Blackwater employees about a variety of issues, including allegations of weapons smuggling, according to several former employees who say they have testified before the grand jury or been interviewed by prosecutors, as well as lawyers familiar with the matter. Two former employees have pleaded guilty to weapons charges and are believed to be cooperating with prosecutors. Since 2001, Blackwater has undergone explosive growth, not only from security contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan, but also from classified work for the Central Intelligence Agency that included taking part in a now defunct program to assassinate leaders of Al Qaeda and to load missiles on Predator drones. The Nisour Square shooting was the bloodiest and most controversial episode involving Blackwater in the Iraq war. At midday on Sept. 16, 2007, a Blackwater convoy opened fire on Iraqi civilians in the crowded intersection, spraying automatic weapons fire in ways that investigators later claimed was indiscriminate, and even launching grenades into a nearby school. Seventeen Iraqis were killed and dozens more were wounded. The matter set off an international outcry and intense debates in Iraq and the United States over the role of private contractors in war zones. Many Iraqis condemned Blackwater, which they had long seen as an arrogant rogue operation, and Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki declared that the Blackwater shooting was a challenge to his nation's sovereignty. His government opened investigations into the episode and previous fatal shootings by Blackwater guards, and threatened to bar the company from operating in the country. Those responses deeply worried Blackwater officials. Before the Nisour Square shootings, the company had operated in Iraq without a license largely because the Iraqi government had never enforced the rules. Being blocked from the country would have been costly — the State Department deal was Blackwater's single biggest contract. From 2004 through today, the company has collected more than $1.5 billion for its work protecting American diplomats and providing air transportation for them inside Iraq. "It would hurt us," Mr. Prince, the chairman, said in an interview in January about losing the diplomatic security contract. "It would not be a mortal blow, but it would hurt us." The former Blackwater executives said it was not clear who proposed paying off Iraqi officials. But after Mr. Jackson, the former company president, approved the plan, the cash for the payoffs was taken from Amman and given to Rich Garner, then a top manager in Iraq, the former executives said. One of those executives said that officials in Iraq's Interior Ministry, which is responsible for operating licenses, were the intended recipients. Mr. Garner, who still works for the company, could not be reached for comment. The former executives said they did not know whether Mr. Garner was involved in decisions about the bribery scheme. At that time, Mr. Black was in a series of discussions with Patricia A. Butenis, the deputy chief of mission at the American Embassy in Baghdad, about compensation payments to the Nisour Square victims. According to former Blackwater officials, Mr. Black was furious when he learned that the payoff money was being funneled into Iraq, and he swiftly broke off the talks with Ms. Butenis. "We are out of here," Mr. Black told a colleague, one former executive said. After returning to the United States, Mr. Black and Robert Richer, who had also joined Blackwater after a C.I.A. career, separately confronted Mr. Prince with their concerns about the plan, one former Blackwater executive said. Mr. Richer left Blackwater in February 2008, followed by Mr. Black several months later, amid a battle inside Blackwater between former C.I.A. officers working at the company's office outside Washington and executives at Blackwater's headquarters in North Carolina. The former officials said that Mr. Black, Mr. Richer and others believed that Blackwater had cultivated a cowboy culture that was contemptuous of government rules and regulations, and that some of the company's leaders — former members of the Navy Seals including Mr. Prince and Mr. Jackson — had pushed the boundaries of legality. Contacted by telephone, Mr. Richer would not discuss specifics of why he left the company. Ms. Butenis, now the United States ambassador to Sri Lanka, declined to comment for this article. But other State Department officials confirmed that embassy officials had met with Blackwater executives to encourage them to compensate the victims of Nisour Square. The United States military had a well-established program for paying families of civilian victims of American military operations, but at the time of the Nisour Square shooting, the State Department did not have a similar program, officials said. In interviews, three Iraqis wounded in Nisour Square said that Blackwater had made payments of several thousand dollars to them and other victims. Still, some of them joined the civil lawsuit against Blackwater. Settlement talks collapsed Tuesday, according to Susan Burke, a lawyer for the victims. Even after the furor that was set off by the shootings, State Department officials made it clear that they did not believe they could operate in Baghdad without Blackwater, and Iraqi officials eventually dropped their public demands for the company's immediate ouster. Raed Jarrar, the Iraq consultant to the American Friends Service Committee, said in a recent interview that the Maliki government had gone too easy on Blackwater. "They had two different messages," he said. "The Iraqi public, and even the Iraqi Parliament, was told that all private contractors would be pulled out of the country, while the contractors and the State Department were told the opposite." In late 2008, the Bush administration and the Iraqi government hammered out an agreement governing the role of security contractors in Iraq. Under the new rules, security contractors lost their immunity from Iraqi laws, which had been granted in 2004 by L. Paul Bremer III, the head of the Coalition Provisional Authority, which ran the country after the start of the American-led war. The Iraqi government also made it mandatory for security contractors to obtain licenses to operate in the country. In March 2009, the Iraqis said that the company would not be awarded a license. Two months later, the State Department replaced it with a competing security contractor, Triple Canopy. Barclay Walsh contributed research from Washington, and Mohammed Hussein from Baghdad. ### _______________________________________________ Blackwater mailing list Blackwater@citizensoversight.org To subscribe/unsubscribe/manage settings: http://lists.citizensoversight.org/mailman/listinfo/blackwater -----Inline Attachment Follows----- _______________________________________________ Blackwater mailing list Blackwater@citizensoversight.org To subscribe/unsubscribe/manage settings: http://lists.citizensoversight.org/mailman/listinfo/blackwater

[Blackwater] Scahill: The Blackwater plot deepens

The Blackwater plot deepens For all the scandal, the mercenary firm has escaped any severe legal sanction. That could now change Jeremy Scahill guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 11 November 2009 18.00 GMT The mercenary firm Blackwater has become a symbol of the utter lawlessness and criminality that permeates the privatised wing of the US war machine. The company's operatives have shot dead scores of Iraqi and Afghan civilians, while former employees allege in sworn statements that Blackwater's owner Erik Prince "views himself as a Christian crusader tasked with eliminating Muslims and the Islamic faith from the globe", and that Prince's companies "encouraged and rewarded the destruction of Iraqi life". Five Blackwater employees will stand trial in federal court in the US on charges that they slaughtered 14 innocent Iraqis, while a sixth Blackwater operative has already pleaded guilty. The company faces allegations of illicit weapons-smuggling and tax evasion, and is being sued for war crimes. The private army is under fire. And yet, despite all the action, none of the legal bullets has – to date – landed a serious blow. An explosive report in the New York Times today could change that. The paper alleges that in the aftermath of the infamous 2007 Nisour Square massacre of 17 Iraqi civilians, top Blackwater officials "authorised secret payments" of about $1m into Iraq intending to bribe officials to allow Blackwater to remain in Iraq despite Baghdad's position that the company would be banned and the killers prosecuted. Blackwater continued to operate in Iraq for two years after the Iraqis announced the company would be kicked out – a fact that has baffled and angered Iraqis. In fact, Blackwater remains in Iraq to this day on a $200m contract that was recently extended by the Obama administration. The new report, if true, could help explain why Blackwater has survived so long in Iraq. It could also be a window into what may become the most serious legal issue facing Prince and other executives. Claims that Prince was aware of the bribery scheme – and that his deputy, the company president Gary Jackson, directed the transfer of the money to Blackwater's hub in Jordan, from where it was funnelled to a top Blackwater manager in Iraq – are reported in the New York Times. Such actions would be illegal under US law. At the time of the alleged bribery scheme, FBI agents were on the ground in Baghdad conducting a criminal investigation of the incident and were, in part, relying on the cooperation of Iraqi officials – particularly from Iraq's interior ministry, the alleged intended recipients. If true, that means that Blackwater or its executives could face charges of obstruction of justice. There is a grand jury investigating Blackwater in its home state of North Carolina. Blackwater swiftly denounced the story as "baseless", while a former Blackwater official – the CIA veteran Cofer Black – denied the New York Times's claim that he confronted Prince over the bribery. Jackson told the paper: "I don't care what you write." Among the most serious issues raised by this scandal is who else may have been involved. Was Blackwater freelancing or was there government involvement? At the time of the alleged bribery plan, Blackwater worked hand-in-glove with the Bush administration and, at times, the two forces colluded. Following the Nisour Square massacre, evidence emerged of a clear pattern of the state department urging Blackwater to pay what amounted to hush money to Iraqi victims' families. "In cases involving the death of Iraqis, it appears that the state department's primary response was to ask Blackwater to make monetary payments to 'put the matter behind us', rather than to insist upon accountability or to investigate Blackwater personnel for potential criminal liability," according to a report of the House Oversight Committee released in late 2007. After a drunken Blackwater guard allegedly shot and killed an Iraqi bodyguard inside the Green Zone on Christmas Eve 2006, the Charge d'Affaires of the US embassy in Iraq initially suggested Blackwater make a $250,000 payment but the department's diplomatic security service said this was too much and could cause Iraqis to "try to get killed so as to set up their family financially". In the end, the state department and Blackwater reportedly agreed on a $15,000 payment. During his Congressional testimony in October 2007, Erik Prince corrected that figure, saying Blackwater had actually paid $20,000. In another case, in al Hillah in June 2005, a Blackwater operator killed an "apparently innocent bystander" and the state department requested that Blackwater pay the family $5,000. "Can you tell me how it was determined that this man's life was worth $5,000?" Representative Danny Davis asked Prince when he appeared before the US Congress. "We don't determine that value, sir," Prince responded. "That's kind of an Iraqi-wide policy. We don't make that one." After Nisour Square, the Iraqi government eventually demanded $8 million in compensation for each victim. In the end, the state department, on behalf of Blackwater, offered family members between $10,000-12,500, which many of them refused. Blackwater and the US state department had a mutual interest in keeping the company in Iraq. The company provided the elite bodyguards for occupation officials and when Blackwater stopped work for three days after Nisour Square, those officials could not leave their fortress in the Green Zone. For Blackwater, the contract meant big money--more than $1 billion. In the aftermath of Nisour Square, then-Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and other officials basically read the riot act to Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and Blackwater was back to business in Iraq on the fourth day after the massacre and remains in the country. After Nisour Square, one US diplomat described the relationship between the US Embassy's security office in Baghdad and Blackwater. "They draw the wagon circle," the diplomat said. "They protect each other. They look out for each other. I don't know if that's a good thing, that wall of silence. When it protects the guilty, that is definitely not a good thing." While the Bush administration certainly protected Blackwater after Nisour Square, part of the reason for the alleged or attempted bribes may be this: as the US and Iraq negotiated the Status of Forces Agreement and the Iraqi government attempted to impose more authority over private military companies, the stakes got higher for Blackwater. An official licence to operate in Iraq, which Blackwater did not have and long believed was an unnecessary formality, became crucial for Blackwater in order to continue on as the state department's prime contractor. To many Iraqis, Blackwater's continued presence was a stark symbol of the country's lack of sovereignty. It is an incredible fact that Blackwater has remained as long as it has in the country given the severity and extent of its alleged crimes and the rhetoric from Iraqi political figures about the company. It was not until March 2009 that the Iraqi government announced it would not extend Blackwater an operating licence. In May 2009, Blackwater's prime contract was awarded to competitor Triple Canopy, but a downsized Blackwater remains armed in Iraq. And the company continues to do robust business with the US government elsewhere. Today, Blackwater works in Afghanistan for the state department, the CIA and the defence department. It protects US officials there and guards visiting congressional delegations. Democratic Representative Jan Schakowsky, a close friend of President Obama, says she was guarded by Blackwater on a recent trip to Afghanistan and that the company is involved with the security details of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Ambassador Richard Holbrooke when they visit the country. But as the investigations into Blackwater deepen and the scandals expand, perhaps the most urgent question is this: why does President Obama continue to use this company? guardian.co.uk © Guardian News and Media Limited 2009 -----Inline Attachment Follows----- _______________________________________________ Blackwater mailing list Blackwater@citizensoversight.org To subscribe/unsubscribe/manage settings: http://lists.citizensoversight.org/mailman/listinfo/blackwater

Blackwater used by CIA for Assassination

Blackwater used to assassinate by CIA http://www.democracynow.org/2009/8/20/reports_private_military_firm_blackwater_was [Message sent by sdcommunitycoalition@gmail.com via AddThis.com.]

CIA HIRED BLACKWATER TO ASSASSINATE

[SDCPJ] Blackwater Founder implicated in Murder

Blackwater Founder Implicated in Murder By Jeremy Scahill

August 4, 2009

A former Blackwater employee and an ex-US Marine who has worked as a security operative for the company have made a series of explosive allegations in sworn statements filed on August 3 in federal court in Virginia. The two men claim that the company's owner, Erik Prince, may have murdered or facilitated the murder of individuals who were cooperating with federal authorities investigating the company. The former employee also alleges that Prince "views himself as a Christian crusader tasked with eliminating Muslims and the Islamic faith from the globe," and that Prince's companies "encouraged and rewarded the destruction of Iraqi life."

Read full article here on the Peace Resource Center's website:
http://www.prcsd.org/Princemurder1.html

[SDCPJ] Blackwater Founder Implicated in Murder - stunning revaluations are important to the San Diego

These stunning revaluations are important to the San Diego campaign to oust Blackwater! and the articles on DynCorp highlight the impunity with which the war profiteers like General Atomics operate and soil our political landscape.
Martin - Activist San Diego

In suit, ex-workers accuse Blackwater founder of murder
By Bill Sizemore Aug 04 2009

Two men who worked for Blackwater allege in a federal lawsuit that Blackwater founder Erik Prince or his agents murdered one or more people who were planning to provide information to federal authorities about criminal conduct by the company and its operatives in Iraq. The two are identified in court papers only as "John Doe #1" and "John Doe #2" because, they say, they fear violent retaliation themselves for making the allegations. http://hamptonroads.com/2009/08/suit-exworkers-accuse-blackwater-founder-murder

Blackwater Founder Implicated in Murder
By Jeremy Scahill Aug 04 2009

 A former Blackwater employee and an ex-US Marine who has worked as a security operative for the company have made a series of explosive allegations in sworn statements filed on August 3 in federal court in Virginia. The two men claim that the company's owner, Erik Prince, may have murdered or facilitated the murder of individuals who were cooperating with federal authorities investigating the company. The former employee also alleges that Prince "views himself as a Christian crusader tasked with eliminating Muslims and the Islamic faith from the globe," and that Prince's companies "encouraged and rewarded the destruction of Iraqi life."   http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090817/scahill

~~~~~~~~~~~

DynCorp posts profit, raises year outlook Aug 04 2009

04 Aug 2009 DynCorp International Inc reported a higher quarterly profit on Tuesday and boosted its full-year earnings and revenue outlook, buoyed by defense contract wins to provide support for U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan. The company said net income came to $20.6 million, or 36 cents a share, for its fiscal first quarter, ended July 3, up 15 percent from nearly $18 million, or 31 cents a share, a year earlier. Aug 04 2009 http://www.reuters.com/article/marketsNews/idUSN0417488420090804

 DynCorp Disgrace By Kelly Patricia O'Meara 14 Jan 2002 Middle-aged men having sex with 12- to 15-year-olds was too much for Ben Johnston, a hulking 6-foot-5-inch Texan, and more than a year ago he blew the whistle on his employer, DynCorp, a U.S. contracting company doing business in Bosnia.]  http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=11119

[Blackwater] Scahill: Obama's Blackwater? Chicago Mercenary Firm Gets Millions for Private "Security" in Israel and Iraq

Obama's Blackwater? Chicago Mercenary Firm Gets Millions for Private "Security" in Israel and Iraq By Jeremy Scahill, AlterNet Posted on April 2, 2009, Printed on April 2, 2009 http://www.alternet.org/story/134594/ On the campaign trail, Barack Obama's advisers said he "can't rule out [and] won't rule out" using mercenary forces, like Blackwater. Now, it appears that the Obama administration has decided on its hired guns of choice: Triple Canopy, a Chicago company now based in Virginia. It may not have Blackwater's thuggish reputation, but Triple Canopy has its own bloody history in Iraq and a record of hiring mercenaries from countries with atrocious human rights records. What's more, Obama is not just using the company in Iraq, but also as a U.S.-government funded private security force in Israel/Palestine, operating out of Jerusalem. Beginning May 7th, Triple Canopy will officially take over Xe/Blackwater's mega-contract with the U.S. State Department for guarding occupation officials in Iraq. It's sure to be a lucrative deal: Obama's Iraq plan will inevitably rely on an increased use of private contractors, including an army of mercenaries to protect his surge of diplomats operating out of the monstrous U.S. embassy in Baghdad. The Iraq contract may come as no surprise. But according to federal contract records obtained by AlterNet, the Obama administration has also paid Triple Canopy millions of dollars to provide "security services" in Israel. In February and March, the Obama administration awarded a "delivery order" to Triple Canopy worth $5.5 million under State Department contract SAQMPD05F5528, which is labeled "PROTECTIVE SERVICES--ISRAEL." According to one government document, the contract is scheduled to run until September 2012. (Another document says September 2009.) The contract is classified as "SECURITY GUARDS AND PATROL SERVICES" in Israel. The total value of the contract was listed at $41,556,969.72. According to a January 2009 State Department document obtained by AlterNet labeled "Sensitive But Unclassified," the Triple Canopy contract is based out of Jerusalem. According to federal records, the original arrangement with Triple Canopy in Israel appears to date back to at least September 2005 and has been renewed every year since. The company is operating under the State Department's Worldwide Personal Protection Program (WPPS), which provides for private security/military companies to operate on the U.S. government payroll in countries such as Afghanistan, Bosnia, Iraq, and Israel. Triple Canopy, according to an internal State Department report, also worked under the program in Haiti, though that task order is now listed as "closed." In State Department documents the WPPS program is described as a government initiative to protect U.S. officials as well as "certain foreign government high level officials whenever the need arises." The State Department spent some $2 billion on the WPPS program from 2005-2008. Triple Canopy's Growing Footprint in Iraq Triple Canopy is hardly new to the Iraq occupation. Founded in Chicago in 2003 by "U.S. Army Special Forces veterans," the company won its first Iraq contract in 2004. In 2005, with its business expanding, Triple Canopy relocated its corporate headquarters from Obama's home state to Herndon, Virginia, placing it much closer to the center of U.S. war contracting. (On several U.S. government contracts, however, including the Israel security contracts, its Lincolnshire, Illinois address is still used.)  Along with Blackwater and DynCorp, Triple Canopy has had armed operatives deployed in Iraq on a major U.S. government contract since the early stages of the occupation. At one point during this arrangement, Blackwater was responsible for Baghdad (the largest share of the work), DynCorp covered northern Iraq and Triple Canopy southern Iraq. Triple Canopy also worked for KBR and other corporations. As of 2007, Triple Canopy had about 2,000 operatives in Iraq, but only 257 on the State Department contract. However, its new contract, which takes effect May 7, will greatly expand Triple Canopy's government presence in Iraq. (Meanwhile, Blackwater is scheduled to continue to work in Iraq under Obama through its aviation division and in Afghanistan, where it has security and counter-narcotics contracts. It also holds millions of dollars in other U.S. government contracts around the world and in the U.S. In February alone, the Obama administration paid Blackwater nearly $70 million in security contracts.) The Obama administration may have traded Blackwater for Triple Canopy in Iraq, but it is likely that some of Blackwater's operatives, too, will simply jump over to Triple Canopy to keep working as armed security guards for occupation officials. Like Blackwater, Triple Canopy has had its share of bloody incidents, among them  allegations that operatives have gone on missions where they shot at civilian vehicles, including one after a briefing where a team leader cocked his M-4 and said to his men, "I want to kill somebody today. ... Because I'm going on vacation tomorrow." (The man in question denied any wrongdoing). While Triple Canopy fired some employees for not reporting shooting incidents in Iraq, none have been criminally prosecuted in Iraq or the U.S. (For a full report on this and other incidents involving Triple Canopy, check out the great work of Washington Post foreign correspondent Steve Fainaru, author of Big Boy Rules.) Also like Blackwater, Triple Canopy has hired mercenaries from countries with atrocious human rights records and histories of violent counter-insurgencies. Among them: Peru, Chile, Colombia and El Salvador. In fact, in Iraq, Triple Canopy hired far more "Third Country Nationals" than Blackwater and DynCorp and has used more TCNs than US citizens or Iraqis. As I reported in my book, Triple Canopy used the same Chilean recruiter (who served in Augusto Pinochet's military) Blackwater used when it hired Chilean forces, including some "seasoned veterans" of the Pinochet era. In El Salvador, the company reportedly used "a U.S.-trained former paratrooper and officer of the Salvadoran special forces during the country's civil war" where the U.S. backed a brutal right wing dictatorship in a war that took the lives of some 75,000 Salvadorans. A Triple Canopy spokesperson reportedly said of the Salvadorans, "They've got the right background for the type of work we are doing." A Triple Canopy subsidiary in Latin America has also reportedly used a former CIA base in Lepaterique, Honduras as a training center. In the 1980s, the facility was used by the CIA and Argentinian military intelligence in training Contra death squads to attack Nicaragua. The base also served as the headquarters for the notorious Battalion 316, a CIA-trained Honduran military unit responsible for torture and disappearances. There is also cause for concern about Triple Canopy's attitude towards accountability for its forces in Iraq, particularly in light of new rules which, on paper, give Iraqi courts jurisdiction over contractor crimes. Blackwater has, at times, conspired with the U.S. State Department to whisk its forces out of Iraq when they are facing potential prosecution for alleged crimes committed in the country, as in the case of a drunken Blackwater operative who was alleged to have shot and killed a bodyguard to Iraqi Vice President Adel Abdel-Mahdi on Christmas Eve 2006. According to one Triple Canopy operative, "We were always told, from the very beginning, if for some reason something happened and the Iraqis were trying to prosecute us, they would put you in the back of a car and sneak you out of the country in the middle of the night." Another Triple Canopy operative said U.S. contractors had their own motto: "What happens here today, stays here today." The use of mercenaries by Hillary Clinton's State Department stands in stark contrast to her co-sponsorship as a Senator of a bill last year that sought to ban the use of such companies in U.S. war zones, specifically Iraq. Last February Clinton said, "The time to show these contractors the door is long past due." Now, Clinton will be relying on these hired guns for protecting her and her staff in various countries. It's hardly a surprise that Obama is continuing the use of mercenaries in Iraq and beyond (Triple Canopy itself maintains offices in Abu Dhabi, Nigeria, Peru, Jordan and Uganda); nevertheless, members of Congress -- whose actions when Bush deployed these private armies were too little, too late -- have a responsibility to investigate his use of companies whose profits are intimately linked to a continuation of war. Moreover, Obama's choice of this particular company should be investigated, both by the House and Senate, before May 7th when Obama's mercenaries become the official paramilitary force in Iraq. As for Triple Canopy's role in Israel, Obama's administration should explain exactly what these forces are doing on the U.S. government payroll. Jeremy Scahill, an independent journalist who reports frequently for the national radio and TV program Democracy Now!, has spent extensive time reporting from Iraq and Yugoslavia. He is currently a Puffin Writing Fellow at The Nation Institute. Scahill is the author of Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army. © 2009 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved. -----Inline Attachment Follows----- _______________________________________________ Blackwater mailing list Blackwater@citizensoversight.org To subscribe/unsubscribe/manage settings: http://citizensoversight.org/mailman/listinfo/blackwater_citizensoversight.org

[Blackwater] Moms of slain Blackwater contractors speak on anniversary

Powered by      SAVE THIS | EMAIL THIS | Close  Moms of slain Blackwater contractors speak on anniversary Story Highlights It's been five years since killings of four U.S. contractors in Falluja Victim's mom: "I want Blackwater exposed and out of business" Blackwater, renamed Xe, says it "continues to mourn" the loss of the four men Another mom: Both sides are losers in Blackwater suit By Thom Patterson CNN (CNN) -- Donna Zovko will have to wait to travel to Falluja to see where her son died in one of the Iraq war's most infamous attacks. "My dream was to go for the fifth anniversary, and that didn't come true," Zovko said this week while visiting friends in Boston, Massachusetts. "It's not that I'm afraid for me. But people with me on the trip would be in more danger." Tuesday marks five years since her son Jerry Zovko and three other civilian employees of the Blackwater private security firm were ambushed in Falluja on March 31, 2004. Gunmen attacked vehicles holding Zovko, Mike Teague, Wesley Batalona and Scott Helvenston and set the vehicles on fire. Shocking images beamed around the world showed Iraqis celebrating in front of charred bodies strung up on a bridge over the Euphrates River. The remains were dragged through the streets. Donna Zovko honors her son » "I didn't realize until way after the incident that he had been decapitated," said Helvenston's mother, Katy Helvenston-Wettengel, from her Florida home. "They cut his heart out. How can anybody be that hateful?" To identify his body, she said, investigators had to gather DNA samples from her son's children. A half-decade after the notorious attack, memories of the gruesome images have faded somewhat from the public eye, as the United States plans to reduce troop numbers in Iraq and a wrongful death suit brought by the four families heads to court-ordered arbitration. The families accuse Blackwater of failing to prepare the men for their mission that day. A 2007 House oversight committee report concluded that Blackwater "ignored multiple warnings about the dangers" and failed to supply armored vehicles, machine guns, sufficient intelligence or even a map. Blackwater responded by saying the experienced military veterans on the team "had all of the resources they needed" and were victims of a "well-planned ambush." In the days after the attack, Blackwater was largely silent beyond a statement that said, "We grieve today for the loss of our colleagues and we pray for their families." But the families said they ran into a stone wall trying to get details of what happened in Falluja. "For the next three months, they never returned my calls," Helvenston's mother said. "Our families were destroyed. We will never be the same." For Zovko, the suit is not about money or punishment. "I want to hear the truth," she said. "I want to know what my Jerry was doing before the mission. Why they didn't they have the maps? I want to know who he spoke to last." What makes this anniversary different from past years, she said, was an encounter this month in Boston with an Iraqi who claimed that he was at the scene of the attack shortly after the massacre. He offered Zovko new alleged details of the attack, which she says brought her comfort. The Iraqi man, whom she wouldn't identify, told her that the attackers did not appear to be targeting the motorcade containing her son and his three comrades. "We used to think maybe the attack was done on purpose," she said. The news made her feel like "I was lifted into the air," she said. "For me, it was good. I miss my Jerry more today than yesterday." The gruesome attack put the little-known North Carolina-based security company into the American lexicon and on the world stage. It also changed the course of the war. The House report called it a "turning point in public opinion about the war," which led to the first major U.S. offensive in Falluja. The fighting lasted three weeks, killing 36 U.S. service members, about 200 insurgents and an estimated 600 Iraqi civilians, according to the report. In the ensuing years, Blackwater and other private security firms in Iraq received hundreds of millions of dollars in U.S. government contracts. Tactics used by the private security firms sometimes created ill will among Iraqis and Blackwater in particular was criticized, even by some in the U.S. military, for its allegedly reckless use of deadly force. Erik Prince, Blackwater's founder and former CEO, dismissed such allegations as "baseless" after his company was criticized by the Iraqi government for an incident in which its guards killed 17 Iraqi civilians and wounded others while protecting a U.S. State Department convoy in Baghdad on September 16, 2007. "To the extent there was the loss of innocent life, let me be clear that I consider that tragic," Prince said, adding that the Blackwater team "acted appropriately while operating in a very complex war zone" that day. Five ex-Blackwater security guards pleaded not guilty in January to charges of voluntary manslaughter stemming from their involvement in the shootings. A sixth pleaded guilty to voluntary and attempted manslaughter. That same month, the Iraqi government refused to grant the firm an operating license, and the U.S. State Department announced that it will not renew its contract. In the two months since the exit of the Bush administration, Prince has stepped down as CEO and brought in a new leadership team. The company has changed its name to Xe, but Prince is still chairman. "I think Blackwater's been punished enough," Zovko said, "but they will be punished more. It's time our government makes some rules and regulations about what civilian contractors can do in their wars." This week, Xe released a brief statement to CNN about the Falluja killings, saying the "sacrifices of these brave men have not been forgotten. On the five-year anniversary of their death, the company continues to mourn their loss. Our thoughts remain with their families and loved ones." Prince's promise Both mothers seem to be making a conscious effort to control their anger five years on. "I refuse to hate, but if I were gonna hate anybody, it would be Blackwater and Erik Prince," Helvenston-Wettengel said. "I want Blackwater exposed for who they are, and I want them out of business." Zovko said she relies on her Catholic faith to control her anger. In 2007, Prince told CNN he would be willing to meet with Zovko, but 16 months later, no such meeting has taken place. "He hasn't honored his promise, but I believe he will," Zovko said. "Sometimes I think he doesn't have a heart, but he really does." Zovko said she wants to ask Prince, "Where are my Jerry's three suitcases with personal things that I have never received?" Also, she said Prince promised to invite Zovko to Blackwater's headquarters in North Carolina to see memorial stones and trees that were planted honoring the victims. "That hasn't happened," Zovko said. Helvenston-Wettengel also said she'd like to meet with Prince. "I'd like to look him in the eye, yeah. I'd say, 'How can you live with yourself?' " CNN sought a response from Prince about his promised meeting with Zovko. Company spokeswoman Anne Tyrrell said Prince had tried to meet with Zovko in early 2008 but was unable to "due to scheduling conflicts." Both mothers' sons went to Iraq after careers in the U.S. military. Jerry Zovko, a former Army Ranger, had gone as a security contractor to train Iraqi soldiers. When that contract ended in late 2003, he signed on with a different company, Blackwater, according to his mother. For Scott Helvenston, Iraq was just the final chapter of a colorful career for the former Navy SEAL, a life that included a job as a stuntman and consultant for Hollywood films. On the set of 1997's "G.I. Jane," shot in Jacksonville, Florida, Helvenston put Demi Moore through a rigorous training program, his mother said, even managing to grab a small role as an extra. A divorced father of two, Helvenston told his mother he would return from Iraq in two months, she said. "He was going to go over there and make a bunch of money and come back and give it to his ex-wife," she said. Zovko and Helvenston-Wettengel have become close friends in the years since the tragedy, but on this anniversary, the two mothers will not be together to share their support and grief with each other. "Traveling is getting to be troublesome for us both," said Zovko, who plans to remain near her home in Rittman, Ohio, to attend morning and evening masses at Cleveland's St. Paul Croatian Church. Helvenston-Wettengel also said she plans to attend church Tuesday in her hometown of Leesburg, Florida. Legal setbacks As for the families' wrongful death lawsuit against Blackwater, a federal judge in 2007 ordered that the case be taken out of the courts to be decided by a three-member arbitration panel. Senior U.S. District Judge James Fox sent the case to arbitration based on Blackwater's argument that the four victims had signed an agreement not to sue the company. A hearing is set for June 23. In court, Blackwater had argued that it was immune to such a lawsuit because, as an extension of the military, it cannot be held responsible for deaths in a war zone. At this point, Zovko said, both sides are losers. "I lost my son, and Blackwater lost the dignity of the company they thought they were." Helvenston said she wants the whole thing to just end, but events keep dragging it out. "They won't let me let it go." CNN's Wayne Drash contributed to this report. All AboutBlackwater USA • Iraq War • Cleveland   Find this article at: http://www.cnn.com/2009/US/03/31/blackwater.falluja.anniversary    SAVE THIS | EMAIL THIS | Close   Check the box to include the list of links referenced in the article.     � 2008 Cable News Network -----Inline Attachment Follows----- _______________________________________________ Blackwater mailing list Blackwater@citizensoversight.org To subscribe/unsubscribe/manage settings: http://citizensoversight.org/mailman/listinfo/blackwater_citizensoversight.org

[SDCPJ] ] BLACKWATER TEACH IN - April 2, 2009

BLACKWATER TEACH IN at Southwestern College is scheduled for 2pm, April 2, 2009 in Room 214 at the Southwestern College campus. Public is invited!
Presenter: Raymond Lutz, founder of Citizens' Oversight Projects Committee (COPs) and former candidate, 77th State Assembly District. Ray runs the web site http://www.StopBlackwater.net
Date: Thursday, April 2, 2009
Place: Room 214, Southwestern College, 900 Otay Lakes Road, Chula Vista, CA 91910
Time: 2:00pm - 4:00pm


Invitation at Southwestern College by Christopher Martinez

ALSO PLACE ON YOUR CALENDAR!!
The Board of Trustees voted to renegotiate the contract with Blackwater, removing most of the ridiculous provisions of the prior agreement. Will likely come back before the Board of Trustees at the next scheduled (regular) meeting, April 15, (3rd Wed. this time) at the Coronado Unified School District Meeting Room, 201 Sixth St., Coronado, CA 92118. Please join us for rally/protest prior to the meeting at 6:30pm. The main meeting starts at 7pm.

--  --------------------------------------- Raymond Lutz, Coordinator Citizens' Oversight Projects (COPs) 1265 Avocado Blvd, Suite 104 (#335)             El Cajon (San Diego Cty), CA 92020 USA Voice 619-820-5321 http//www.CitizensOversight.org

[SDCPJ] Responsibility for Blackwater actions..

"A Whitewash for Blackwater?"

Newsvine del.icio.us Stumble It! Reddit Facebook myspace NewsTrust COMMENT washingtonpost.com readers have posted 142 comments about this item. View All Comments » POST A COMMENT You must be logged in to leave a comment. Log in Register Why Do I Have to Log In Again? Log In Again? CLOSE We've made some updates to washingtonpost.com's Groups, MyPost and comment pages. We need you to verify your MyPost ID by logging in before you can post to the new pages. We apologize for the inconvenience. Discussion Policy Your browser's settings may be preventing you from commenting on and viewing comments about this item. See instructions for fixing the problem. Discussion Policy CLOSE Comments that include profanity or personal attacks or other inappropriate comments or material will be removed from the site. Additionally, entries that are unsigned or contain "signatures" by someone other than the actual author will be removed. Finally, we will take steps to block users who violate any of our posting standards, terms of use or privacy policies or any other policies governing this site. Please review the full rules governing commentaries and discussions. You are fully responsible for the content that you post. Who's Blogging » Links to this article

By Eugene Robinson

Tuesday, December 9, 2008; Page A19
Washington Post

The federal manslaughter indictment of five Blackwater Worldwide security guards in the horrific massacre of more than a dozen Iraqi civilians in Baghdad may look like an exercise in accountability, but it's probably the exact opposite -- a whitewash that absolves the government and corporate officials who should bear ultimate responsibility.

If what Justice Department prosecutors allege is true, the five guards -- Donald Ball, Dustin Heard, Evan Liberty, Nicholas Slatten and Paul Slough -- should have to answer for what happened on Sept. 16, 2007. The men, working under Blackwater's contract to protect State Department personnel in Iraq, are charged with spraying a busy intersection with machine-gun fire and grenades, killing at least 14 unarmed civilians and wounding 20 others. One man, prosecutors said yesterday, was shot in the chest with his hands raised in submission.

The indictment, charging voluntary manslaughter and weapons violations, demonstrates that those who engage "in unprovoked attacks will be held accountable," Assistant Attorney General Patrick Rowan claimed.

But it demonstrates nothing of the sort. As with the torture and humiliation of detainees at the Abu Ghraib prison, our government is deflecting all scrutiny from the corporate higher-ups who employed the guards -- to say nothing of the policymakers whose decisions made the shootings possible, if not inevitable.

Prosecutors did not file charges against the North Carolina-based Blackwater firm -- the biggest U.S. security contractor in Iraq -- or any of the company's executives. The whole tragic incident is being blamed on the guards who, prosecutors say, made Baghdad's Nisoor Square a virtual free-fire zone.

The Blackwater guards were nervous because of a car bombing elsewhere in the city that day. The company says the Blackwater convoy came under attack by insurgents, prompting the guards to fire in self-defense. "Tragically, people did die," defense attorney Paul Cassell told reporters.

There is a huge difference between self-defense and the kind of indiscriminate fusillade that the Blackwater team allegedly unleashed. Proper training and supervision -- which was the Blackwater firm's responsibility -- would have made it more likely for the guards to make the right split-second decisions amid the chaos of Nisoor Square. Rather than give Blackwater a free pass, the Justice Department ought to investigate the preparation these men were given before being sent onto Baghdad's dangerous streets.

Blackwater no doubt has rules and regulations about when and where its people can discharge their weapons. But were those rules enforced? Did the guards who were indicted yesterday have any reason to believe they would be punished for the rampage? Or were the shootings considered acceptable inside the Blackwater bunker? Company executives should have to answer these and other questions -- under oath.

But a real attempt to establish blame for this massacre should go beyond Blackwater. It was the Bush administration that decided to police the occupation of Iraq largely with private rather than regular troops.

There are an estimated 30,000 security "contractors" in Iraq, many of them there to protect U.S. State Department personnel. The presence of these heavily armed private soldiers has become a sore point between the U.S. and Iraqi governments. Until now, the mercenaries -- they object to that label, but it fits -- have been immune from prosecution by the Iraqi courts for any alleged crimes. This will change on Jan. 1, when the new U.S.-Iraqi security pact places them under the jurisdiction of Iraqi law. Blackwater and other firms are likely to have a harder time retaining and recruiting personnel, given the possibility of spending time in an Iraqi prison. Yet it is presumed that more private soldiers, rather than fewer, will be needed as the United States reduces troop levels.

Barack Obama has criticized the Bush administration's decision to outsource so many essentially military tasks in Iraq and elsewhere. The officials who made that decision, however, are not being held accountable -- not yet, at least. We deserve, at a minimum, a thorough investigation of what security contractors have done in the name of the United States.

Putting national security in the hands of private companies and private soldiers was bad practice from the start, and incidents such as what happened at Nisoor Square are the foreseeable result. The five Blackwater guards may have fired the weapons, but they were locked and loaded in Washington.

The writer will be online to answer questions at 1 p.m. His e-mail address is eugenerobinson@washpost.com.

[SDCPJ] Blackwater Guards given 24-hours to surrender to FBI

See article here:
http://www.prcsd.org/BWsurrender.html
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Lucas O'Conner blogs at Calitics. Very sharp kid.  Here's where your tax dollars go -- to the Gov't, then to inflated Blackwater contracts, then to the Prince family,

from there to all sorts of causes.

 

 

http://calitics.com/userDiary.do;jsessionid=2E6DFFB0C976C9B9BBAE0B8A6C861B17?personId=456

 

Not So Strange Bedfellows: Blackwater and Yes on 8 by: Lucas O'Connor Tue Oct 28, 2008 at 11:10:54 AM PDT

Andrew Sullivan notes today that one of the biggest financial supporters of the Yes on 8 campaign is Elsa Prince Broekhuizen, who has pumped $450,000 into the campaign. Broekhuizen is the mother of Blackwater founder and owner Erik Prince and Bush Pioneer Betsy DeVos. She's also quite the patron of the religious right. At first blush, the two groups don't have a whole lot in common besides neighboring real estate in the political spectrum. But as Blackwater continues its unwanted presence in San Diego (spawning aspirants to the throne in Hemet), Michigan resident Broekhuizen is just a big fish in the flood of out-of-state money trying to buy their way into a change to California's constitution. This particularly hits San Diego as the repeated recipient of unwanted outside attention. San Diego was targeted by the national GOP as a test case for turning urban areas Republican which led to the destruction of an entire progressive generation in San Diego. We've been battling against Blackwater's presence and a disinterested city government for two years. And in concert with the, erm, disconcerting video on the right, The Call will be welcoming to to 100,000 peopleto Qualcomm Stadium on Saturday for "[c]orporate prayer and fasting for the protection of traditional marriage and the soul of our nation." I'll be there so you don't have to be. Look, Dave is right: This is about harming same-sex couples. But the other long-term implications are starting to show themselves. The Republican Party musters its national resources to turn San Diego red and succeeds for a full generation. Blackwater decides to take your tax dollars- laundered through the Bush Administration, the Iraq War and the privatization of the military- and force its way into California while expanding and diversifying its portfolio to include a private navy and security contracts for Latin American governments. And now the same national big money forces of the religious right- whether it's the Mormon Church or Erik Prince's mother, this has the potential to turn into a disturbing trend. That the extreme right wing of this country can nationalize an issue and force its will on California. If this keeps working, I don't want to contemplate what'll come next. There's one week to go. You can contribute to the No on 8 campaign through Equality For All at the Calitics ActBlue page and help push Equality For All past $1 million raised on ActBlue. And you can get involved through the No on Prop 8 website. For example, I know during Saturday's "The Call" event, there are plans for doing real calling in San Diego and throughout the state. full disclosure: I work for the Courage Campaign

 

 

--
Mike Copass
Progressive Democrats of America -- Metro San Diego Chapter
http://www.pda-metro-sandiego.org

http://www.nomorestolenelections.org/urgentaction/video_the_vote